Elias Kapetanopoulos, Ph

ALEXANDROS-PHILIPPOS-KLEITOS O MELAS

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Elias Kapetanopoulos

Professor Dr. (Greece-Rome)

Department of History

Central Connecticut State University

New Britain, CT 06050-4010 (USA)

Telephone:

(860) 832-2820 (offic

(860) 229-9960 (home)

E-mail: Kapetanopoulos@ccsu.edu

Home Page: http://www.history.ccsu.edu/elias/elias.htm

Areas of Research: Attic epigraphy-Athenian institutions of the Roman period (200 B.C.-3rd c. A.D.), and early Makedon(ia): Makedones as Hellenes.

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CENTER FOR ATHENIAN-MAKEDONIAN STUDIES:

MAKEDONIS A' = MAKEDONIS I

ALEJANDROS – FILIPPOS - KLEITOS O MELAS

21 ÉIanouar€ou 1999 > 21 January 1999 = 9 ÉIoun€ou 2008 > 9 June 2008

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ADAIOU

ÉHmay€hn ˘w pr«tow §w êrea b∞sa F€lippow

Aﬁga€hn ke›mai b«lon §fessãmenow,

=°jaw oÂÉ oÎpv basileÁw tÚ pr€n: eﬁ d° tiw aÈxe›

me›zon §meË, ka‹ toËyÉ a·matow ≤met°rou.

The Greek Anthology. The Garland of Philip and Some Contemporary Epigrams, ed. A.S.F. Gow and D.L. Page, I (Cambridge 1968) 6, IV.

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TOPIC: Façade fresco of a hunt painted on the frieze of what has been identified (others reject) as Philip II's tomb, discovered by Manolis Andronikos on the 11^th of November 1977 under the great tumulus at Vergina (ancient Aigai[ai]).

Since the tomb has been identified as that of Philip II, the young hippeus (ﬂppeÊw), center of fresco, has been recognized as Alexander [M. Andronikos, N.G.L. Hammond], and indeed the young man must be Alexander at about sixteen years old, and his central position in the façade painting celebrates his entrance into adulthood and the assumption of the regency at sixteen (Plutarch, Alex. 9.1: Fil€ppou d¢ strateÊontow §p‹ Buzant€ouw, ∑n m¢n •kkaidekãthw ı ÉAl°jandrow, époleifye‹w d¢ kÊriow §n Makedon€& t«n pragmãtvn ka‹ t∞w sfrag›dow, ktl. [one may ask why depict this particular event in Alexander's life, but this event is the most intimate one vis-à-vis his father Philip and Alexander's "rush" at the lion speared by Philip symbolizes his [Alexander’s] initiation into basileÊein]). To his right [left from viewer's perspective] there is a tall, square pillar with three miniature figures (?) at the top, which must be a country shrine, dedicated to some deity [Hekate? However, because of the scene, Artemis would be more appropriate]. A pillar with an amphora at the top appears, for example, in the Polydeukion relief [A.D. 173/4] from Loukou (Thyreatis Kynourias), as well as the tree motif next to the young man, but the tree shows life [below] (ALKMHNH NTATSOULH-STAURIDH, GLUPTA APO THN YUREATIDA KUNOURIAS [AYHNA 1993] P€n. 40, with description on p. 51).

To the right (left) of this young hippeus an older hippeus is depicted about to spear a lion [which differs in appearance from the usual African lions]. This older hippeus, who has been identified as king Philip II [N.G.L. Hammond], is not shown in a heroic manner as the rest of the men therein, but displays a shorter stature which would accord with the reconstructed skeleton recovered from the tomb [taking also into account pyre shrinkage of bones]. Philip's skeleton was viewed on the 22-9-92, and perhaps the split damage, [sxismØ] maurism°nh s¢ m°rh, on the upper right eye-socket may perhaps be "pyre inflicted", but with the strong caveat that the eye involved is the same as Philip's injured eye and the injury is also indicated on the same eye in the ivory portrait of Philip recovered from his tomb at Vergina. As to the woman in the same tomb [below], it is probably Phila who would have been older than Kleopatra and Eurydike, as indicated by the bones [cf. the silver (wine) strainer found in the tomb, which belonged to Machatas (inscribed MAXATA) who was Phila's brother (Manolis Andronikos, Berg€na, oﬂ basiliko‹ tãfoi ka‹ êllew érxaiÒthtew [AyÆna 1984=1989] 148, Fig. 108, and 156-157; in Petros G. Themelis/Ioannes P. Touratsoglou, OI TAFOI TOU DERBENIOU (AYHNA !997) 172-173, Machatas is identified as the maker of the silver strainer: ΜΑΧΑΤΑ DDDD8)]. [A letter of this writer about the tomb at Vergina, as recalled, was published, but not seen, in the TO BHMA [1979], and Manolis Andronikos discussed it with a sunomÆlikow of this writer (as informed by the sunomÆlikow, summer 1991), but the letter's contents are not recoverable at this time, since the copy of the letter had been discarded then on the assumption it had not been published, and TO BHMA cannot trace it without a definite date] ***<<similar circumstances to the letter to H KAYHMERINH, which apparently the paper did not publish>>***).

The fresco's background shows a range of hills [Pierian-Bermian mountains-hills?], but the action takes place on a level ground, with scattered boulder-stones on the right. The trees are probably oaks (drËw) [and not birch (Ùju°w), for example] , and this is perhaps also true for the grove of trees behind the lion scene [the grove is thick, and consequently the trees have tall, bare trunks with foliage at the top]. The "dead" tree next to young Alexander [his left side] resembles in a way the tree [by the left side of Alexander] in the Alexander Mosaic [which E. Badian below would call the Darius Mosaic. It is true that Dareios' figure stands tall, but Dareios appears to be in a state of anxiety, whereas Alexander with a fixed look eyes the enemy, as he spears through a Persian with his long sarissa. For Alexander's pose, cf., e.g., The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the Democracy, eds. W.D.E. Coulson, O. Palagia, T.L. Shear, Jr., H.A. Shapiro and F.J. Frost (Oxbow Monograph 37, 1994) 132, Fig. 2. Bl°pontew mØ bl°pein, Polybios 12.24.6: bl°pontaw mØ bl°pein, and Luke’s gospel, 8.10: ·na bl°pontew mØ bl°pvsin ka‹ ékoÊontew mØ sun€vsin. Cf. Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, 381 B: Àste bl°pein mØ blepÒmenon (crocodile)]. This motif of 'Alexander-"dead"tree' appears also in a close parallel in the lion hunt mosaic from Palermo (Cohen, below, 77, Fig. 48), for the young rider by the dead tree about to spear the lion has been identified as Alexander (Cohen, below, 76). The "dead" tree by Alexander is an artistic motif of identification, and one may recall Alexander's oak tree at Chaironeia mentioned by Plutarch in Alexander 9.2: ¶ti d¢ ka‹ kay' ≤mçw §de€knuto palaiå parå tÚn KhfisÚn ÉAlejãndrou kaloum°nh drËw, prÚw ¥n tÒte kateskÆnvse, ka‹ tÚ poluãndrion oÈ pÒrrv t«n MakedÒnvn §st€n. Moreover, the "dead" tree projects Alexander's image more than a living tree with foliage would have done, and at the same time the Persian concentration magnifies Alexander's odds of victory. As for Alexander being depicted there bare-headed, cf. Nikolaos of Myra in Andrew Erskine, “Life after Death: Alexandria and the Body of Alexander, Greece&Rome 49.2 (October 2002) 176: <<… He (=Alexander) built his city (=Alexandria) near the sea, which he himself stands near. And the form of the statue reveals his nature. First, he is carried riding high on a horse; not a horse that anyone could easily ride, but one suitable to the dangers that he faced. And the animal’s vehemence evokes the speed of his campaigns. Next, he has no helmet on his head. For he who intends to subdue and survey the whole earth has no need of helmets. Everything he has seized in his advance seems to lie in his eyes. … His hair, unconfined, streams in the wind and onward rush of the horse. Its locks appear like the rays of the sun. …>>. [Note 54: Ps. Libanius, Progymnasmata 27, etc.] [For the helmet in the mosaic, almost direcly below Alexander’s right arm, which some would identify as Alexander’s, cf. Homer, Iliad 16.791-803: st∞ dÉ ˆpiyen [=ÉApÒllvn], pl∞jen d¢ metãfrenon eÈr°e tÉ \mv/ xeir‹ kataprhne›, strefed€nhyen d¢ oﬂ ˆsse [=PatrÒklou]./ toË dÉ épÚ m¢n kratÚw kun°hn bãle Fo›bow ÉApÒllvn:/ ≤ d¢ kulindom°nh kanaxØn ¶xe poss‹n ÍfÉ ·ppvn/ aÈl«piw trufãleia, miãnyhsan d¢ ¶yeirai/ a·mati ka‹ kon€˙si. pãrow ge m¢n oÈ y°miw ∑en/ ﬂppÒkomon pÆlhka mia€nesyai kon€˙sin,/ éllÉ éndrÚw ye€oio kãrh xar€en te m°tvpon/ =ÊetÉ ÉAxill∞ow: tÒte d¢ ZeÁw ÜEktori d«ken/ √ kefalª for°ein, sxedÒyen d° oﬂ ∑en ˆleyrow./ pçn d° oﬂ §n xe€ressin êgh dolixÒskion ¶gxow,/ briyÁ m°ga stibarÚn kekoruym°non: aÈtår épÉ \mvn/ ésp‹w sÁn telam«ni xama‹ p°se termiÒessa. A broken spear and other arms are also shown scattered at the feet of the horses.] Cf. also Q. Curtius Rufus, 8.1.20. Hic [=Clitus] erat qui apud Granicum amnem nudo capite regem dimicantem clipeo suo texit et Rhosacis manum capiti regis imminentem gladio amputavit, ... (Note: nudo capite)

The battle scene must be Arbela or Gaugamela (as also indicated elsewhere) [but cf. Curtius, 3.11.7-12], and the helmet can be seen below Alexander’s right arm.

The top€on of the fresco hunting scene is surely Makedonian [hills, oak trees], and the hunted animals, too, are part of the Makedonian experience. The wild boar is still being hunted in the mountains of Orestis [Pindos-Boion-Grammos], for example; the bear [right end] is still there, and it can be encountered in Orestis, area of Pentalophos (locations of Nikorinna, Taliaros [ancient Talares? (Strabon 9.5.11 and 12 C434)]). The deer (§lãfia) also [two shown on the far left] were hunted in Orestis (with zarkãdia), and they almost disappeared but lately there is a come back (although some illegal hunting occurs). As for the lion shown therein, N. G. L. Hammond correctly referred to Herodotos [below] and Xenophon [below] for lions in Makedon [herein in this web site, under Makedonis VIII: Philippos, Meros A, under Hammond: ABSA 86 (1991) 80]; cf. also Pausanias, Boiotika 40.8: §pelyÒnta d° fasin (=MakedÒnew) §k toË ÉOlÊmpou l°onta énatr°cai, ktl., and below under KremÊdh-SisilianoË. Moreover, the motif of hunting lions appears among the Mycenaeans, and the lion figures as a theme in similes of Homer’s Iliad. Bronze coin of Kassandros: Obv.: Herakles head with lion-skin, Rev.: seated lion, Inscr.: KASSAN/DROU (dotted K) = Greek Civilization. Macedonia, Kingdom of Alexander the Great (Athens 1993) 99, No. 39 (of an exhibition in Montreal, 7/5^th-19/9^th 1993). [Perdikkas III’s coin with lion on the reverse]

The participants in this hunting scene are Makedones, and the melagxroinÒw [extreme right] must be Kleitos the Black [Kle›tow ı m°law], who was older than Alexander. [Kleitos] holding a net [by its position] appears to be fishing, although the net's holes are somewhat large for fishing, but this may not be significant since [Kleitos] looks at the net and water may be discerned therein (cf. AEMY 8, 1994 [Thessalonike 1998] 120-121, 122). Moreover, [Kleitos'] isolation there and somewhat melancholic, downward look, though staring at the net, may foreshadow his death. In any case, the Makedonian rivers [at least of Orestis, although enviromental reasons and overfishing have altered the scene] were full of fish and of delicious fish, which overjoyed the Makedones when fish were brought to them from home [Athenaios? xxxxx; the actual reference to fish from home escapes identification presently, but reading it is recalled with vividness].

The inspiration of this fresco is atrributed by some to eastern influence, and therefore the tomb is not Philip II's, but Philippos Arridaios' [herein in this web site, under Makedonis VIII: Philippos, Meros A,, under Xarã Kioss°, for example]. However, the scene as briefly commented above is purely Makedonian, and the terrain bears no resemblance to an eastern environment of about Babylon (and this is true of the hunted animals, too). Naturally the tomb attributed to Philip raises questions (as to who is the young woman in the antechamber, for example), but the tomb's theme is that of Philip II [cf. also below, under Kottar€dh <<nekrikÚw o‰kow ka‹ purå Fil€ppou>>]. It is known from Diodoros (17.2.1: … ÉAl°jandrow diadejãmenow tØn basile€an pr«ton m¢n toÁw fone›w toË patrÚw t∞w èrmozoÊshw timvr€aw ±j€vse, metå d¢ taËta t∞w taf∞w toË gon°vw tØn §ndexom°nhn §pim°leian poihsãmenow kat°sthse tå katå tØn érxÆn …) and from the Alexander Romance (Kapetanopoulos, below, 87) that Alexander gave Philip a formal burial, and consequently it may not be looked upon as unusual if the painter made a young Alexander the center in the fresco's hunting scene. It is said that Tomb II was hastily put together, and for this reason Alexander, as reported in the Ípomnhmata, had in mind of constructing a monumental tomb of Philip equal to one of the pyramids in Egypt [Diodoros, 18.4.5: toË d¢ patrÚw Fil€ppou tãfon puram€di paraplÆsion miò tª meg€st˙ (t«n) katå tØn A‡gupton].

And certainly the suns (¥lioi) on the larnakes of the deceased are a symbol of royalty [below] and Makedon in general [evidence has been collected on the Bergina (Vergina) ¥liow, but presently there is no intention of posting it here, for example; this evidence derives from Makedon and elsewhere and it is pictographic (below)].

NOTE. Some would attribute Tomb II to Philippos Arridaios-Adea Eurydike and identify the hunter with a purple cloak to the left of the lion [viewer’s side] as Kassandros; but if the hunting scene on the façade is Kassandros’, or from Kassandros’ time, why is Alexander to the left shown at about sixteen? Perhaps the figure that some would identify as Kassandros is really Amyntas, Perdikkas’ son and Philip II’s son-in-law, eliminated later by Alexander. Moreover, if Tomb II is Philippos Arridaios’-Eurydike’s, as some maintain, then where is Philip II’s tomb, as Manolis Andronikos queried? Or did Kassandros appropriate Philip’s tomb to bury [¶yacen, yãcaw, under Carney, AncW 35.2 (2004) below] Philippos Arridaios and Eurydike? But again where is Kynna?

Theatron. Two photographs side by side superimposed below.

Theatron at Aigai (Vergina) [two superimposed photographs (above), scanned by this writer who took them on the 4^th of Oct. 2001], where Philip II was assassinated by Pausanias in the summer of 336 B.C.

U-Lead Systems, Inc.

The tomb of Philip II (Bergina).

Façade [left side].

Façade [right side].

Philip II from the hunting scene of the façade above [from TO BHMA]. The fact that the right eye, which was Philip II’s damaged eye, is hidden from the viewer is a sure indication that the figure is Philip II.

Alexander from the façade above [from TO BHMA] and to the left of Philip II. Below, Alexander. Sidon sarcophagus.

Alexander. The façade [above].

Alexander. Sidon sarcophagus. [scanned by Dave Gartner, Graduate Assistant, from Margaret Bieber, Alexander the Great in Greek and Roman Art (Argonaut, Chicago 1964) Pl. XVIII, 34 a-b]. These two faces of Alexander bear a resemblance to the face of Alexander in the façade of Philip II’s tomb above, a further indication that the young man in the façade is Alexander and that the tomb is that of Philip II, as previously identified [though contested by some].

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HLIOS [above]

Philip II’s larnax [from his tomb at Vergina].

Phila’s larnax? [Philip II’s tomb at Vergina]. Photograph from Elizabeth Carney’s home page.

Kinch tomb.

Lyson-Kallikles tomb.

Aspis – Shield.

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BIBLIOGRAFIA > REFERENCES:

TO BHMA, N°ew Epox°w, 12-07-98, b1: Illustration of Philip II on horse.

TO BHMA, ibid., b6-7: Illustration of hunting scene on façade of Philip II's tomb, and young Alexander on horse.

TO BHMA, N°ew Epox°w, 26-07-98, b8: Illustration of young Alexander on horse.

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Bibliography, additional, herein in this web site, under Makedonis VIII: Philippos, Meros A.

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Badian, Ernst, 'A Note on the "Alexander Mosaic"' in The Eye Expanded: Life and the Arts in Greco-Roman Antiquity, edd. Frances B. Titchener and Richard F. Moorton, Jr. (UofC

Press; Berkeley, 1999) 86-88.

Barringer, Judith M., The Hunt in Ancient Greece (The Johns Hopkins University Press; Baltimore 2001); cf. reconstruction of Kalydonian hunt (152) and 201-202.

Bartsiokas, Antonis, The Eye Injury of King Philip II and the Skeletal Evidence from the Royal Tomb II at Vergina, Science magazine, 21 April 2000; 288: 511-514.

Borza, Eugene N., Before Alexander: Constructing Early Macedonia (Publications of the AAH 6 [Regina Books] 1999) 68-74.

Briant, P., <<Chasses royales macedoniennes et chasses royales perses. Le theme de la chasse au lion sur la chasse de Vergina>>, Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 17.1 (1991) 227-243

[non vidi]=Anc. Macedonia VI (1996='99), vol. A, 648, note 24.

Carney, Elizabeth D., Women and Monarchy in Macedonia (UofOklahomaPress 2000) 234-244 (ch. 9: Royal Female Burials).

Carney, Elizabeth D., "Were the Tombs under the Great Tumulus at Vergina Royal?," ArchNews [forthcoming].

Carney, Elizabeth, <<Women and Military Leadership in Macedonia>>, AncW 35.2 (2004) 187: Leans toward Adea Eurydice as the woman in Tomb II=Philip’s tomb. [Errata, notes 17

and 18: Drougou=Drogou]

The comments below may be refined accordingly: 1 May 2005

Adea-Eurydike, wife of Arrhidaios Philippos, it is said, is the female in what has been identified as Philip II’s tomb, because of the military paraphernalia found in the chamber and Adea-Eurydike has been recognized as a warrior woman/queen. However, when Olympias suggested to Adea-Eurydike to choose one of three ways to die [sword, noose, or poison] she chose the noose, a kind of a humiliating way of dying [cf. Jocasta, Oedipus’ mother, and Odysseus punishing the unfaithful women by hanging (Odyssey, 22.462-473)]. The épor€a/§r≈thsiw: Why didn’t Adea-Eurydike choose to die a heroic death by the sword, if she were so war-like as maintained?. Cf. Diodoros, 19.11. (5) …, tÚn m¢n F€lippon pros°taje [=ÉOlumpiåw] Yr&j€ tisin §kkent∞sai, … (6) eﬁs°pemcen oÔn aÈt∞ [=EÈrud€k˙] j€fow ka‹ brÒxon ka‹ k≈neion … (7) … tÚn m¢n êndra peri°steilen, §pimelhye›sa t«n traumãtvn Àw poyÉ ı kairÚw sunex≈rei, §autØn dÉ énakremãsasa tª z≈n˙ kat°strece tÚn b€on, oÎte dakrÊsasa tØn aÍt∞w tÊxhn oÎte t“ meg°yei t«n sumptomãtvn tapeinvye›sa [this last does show fortitude on the part of Adea-Eurydike]. Cf. Douris=Athenaios, 13.560 f: DoËriw dÉ ı Sãmiow ka‹ pr«ton gen°syai pÒlemÒn fhsi dÊo gunaik«n (tÚn) ÉOlumpiãdow ka‹ EÈrud€khw: §n ⁄ tØn m¢n bakxik≈teron metå tumpãnvn proelye›n, tØn dÉ EÈrud€khn Makedonik«w kayvplism°nhn, éskhye›san [=…plism°nhn, prohskhm°nhn C] tå polemikå parå KÊnn˙ [=kunnãnhi A] tª ÉIllur€di (Loeb); however, cf. Diodoros, 19.11.1-2 [where Polyperchon figures in that <<clash>> with Eurydike at Euia below Bermion=Kastania].

The other épor€a/§r≈thsiw: whether Adea-Eurydike, Philippos Arrhidaios and Kynna were cremated, for Diodoros and Diyllos=Athenaios imply only burial, with funeral games [in the style of Achilles after Patroklos’ funeral?]. Diodoros, 19.52. (4) ı d¢ Kãsandrow diegn≈kei m¢n énele›n ÉAl°jandron tÚn pa›da ka‹ tØn mht°ra aÈtoË ÑRvjãnhn, … (5) metå d¢ taËta basilik«w ≥dh diejãgvn tå katå tØn érxØn EÈrud€khn m¢n ka‹ F€lippon toÁw basile›w, ¶ti d¢ KÊnnan, ∂n éne›len ÉAlk°taw, ¶yacen §n Aﬁgaia›w, kayãper ¶yow ∑n to›w basileËsi. timÆsaw d¢ toÁw teteleuthkÒtaw §pitaf€oiw ég«si kat°grafe t«n MakedÒnvn toÁw eÈy°touw, …; and Diyllos=Athenaios, 4.155 a: ˜ti d¢ ka‹ oﬂ ¶ndojoi ka‹ oﬂ ≤gemÒnew §monomãxoun ka‹ §k proklÆsevw toËtÉ §po€oun §n êlloiw eﬁrÆkamen. D€ullow [=diÊalow A] dÉ ı ÉAyhna›ow §n tª §nãt˙ t«n ﬂstori«n f∞sin …w Kãsandrow §k Boivt€aw §pani∆n ka‹ yãcaw tÚn basil°a ka‹ tØn bas€lissan §n Aﬁga€aiw ka‹ metÉ aÈt«n tØn KÊnnan tØn EÈrud€khw mht°ra ka‹ to›w êlloiw timÆsaw oÂw prosÆkei ka‹ monomax€aw ég«na [=ég«naw A] ¶yhken, eﬁw ˘n kat°bhsan t°ssarew t«n strativt«n.

Antonis Bartsiokas (ÉAnt≈nhw Mpartsi≈kaw) stated in Science 288 (21 April 2000) 514 [511-514] that the bones of the male occupant were more or less dry, because Philippos Arrhidaios had been buried for about six months. The épor€a/§r≈thsiw: Why would Kasandros cremate bare bones, and not just bury the bones? [unless to give the impression of a heroic/royal burial]. And would the skeletons be devoid of almost all flesh after only six months in the earth? However, it is not known how Olympias disposed of Philippos Arrhidaios’ and Eurydike’s bodies, and if she had buried them at all [Diodoros’ ¶yacen and Douris’ [=Athenaios] yãcaw (above) suggest a first burial, with no indication of a reburial and its dramatics, although having also Kynna’s body/or sorÚw would indicate some kind of a retention of bodies. The épor€a/§r≈thsiw: Where is Kynna? The two sources mentioned herein give the impression that the three were buried together, and this would have been most fitting since Kynna was the mother [=basilomÆtvr] of the queen/bas€lissa Adea-Eurydike.

It has also been argued that the paraphernalia, or some of the paraphernalia, in Tomb II belong/may belong to Alexander; therefore, Tomb II is not Philip’s. The épor€a/§r≈thsiw: Could these paraphernalia, if Alexander’s, have been placed there afterwards? Perhaps Philip’s tomb may have been opened to veneration [that is, it was not immediately sealed, but only later, after the death of Alexander and whose body went to Egypt instead of to Aigai] (cf. Diodoros, 19.22.1: ÑVw d° poyÉ ∏kon eﬁw Pers°polin tÚ bas€leion, Peuk°sthw m°n, Ãn taÊthw t∞w x≈raw strathgÒw, yus€an §pet°lese megaloprep∞ to›w yeo›w ka‹ ÉAlejãndrƒ ka‹ Fil€ppƒ, ktl., and 3: §n m°sƒ d¢ toÊtvn Íp∞rxon bvmo‹ ye«n ka‹ ÉAlejãndrou ka‹ Fil€ppou [317 B.C.]). These épor€ai/§rvtÆseiw can perhaps be answered with greater accuracy by those who observed the objects in their original position, before their disturbance. There are, of course, photographs, but the photographs cannot really convey/recreate the original [for example, the nature of the sites of Dion. Dodona or Delphi cannot be captured through photographs or even through videos, for only an actual visit there explains why they were chosen to be sacred places: Olympos over Dion, mountainous Dodona, Delphi].

Lastly, the injuries that Philip II is said to have received may not have been as injurious or extensive as reported [for example, the destruction of his eye may not have involved the bone at all, and this may apply to the injuries in his legs, as well]. Philippos Arrhidaios, too, may have borne bone injuries, if speared, as it may be inferred from Diodoros, 19.11.5: tÚn m¢n F€lippon pros°taje [=ÉOlumpiåw] Yr&j€ tisin §kkent∞sai.

Carney, Elizabeth, <<Hunting and the Macedonian elite: sharing the rivalry of the chase (Arrian 4.13.1)>> in The Hellenistic World: New Perspectives, ed. Daniel Ogden [The Classical Press of Wales and Duckworth, 2002] 59-68

(text), 69-74 (Notes), 74-80 (Bibliography).

Page 61, with notes 32-36. The lion in Macedonia. Also cited below, under LEONTES.

Pages 66-67, with notes 75-87. Tomb II as a <<late fourth century>> construction. [1 Nov. 2006]

Cohen, Ada, The Alexander Mosaic. Stories of Victory and Defeat (Cambridge, 1997) 53-57, 73-78.

Diodoros, 18.4.5: toË d¢ patrÚw Fil€ppou tãfon puram€di paraplÆsion miò tª meg€st˙ {t«n} katå tØn A‡gupton, ìw §n to›w •ptã tinew meg€stoiw ¶rgoiw katariymoËsin. (6) énagnvsy°ntvn d¢ t«n Ípomnhmãtvn oﬂ

MakedÒnew, ka€per épodedegm°noi kal«w tÚn ÉAl°jandron, ˜mvw ÍperÒgkouw ka‹ dusef€ktouw tåw §pibolåw ır«ntew ¶krinan mhd¢n t«n eﬁrhm°nvn suntele›n [Alexander’s ÍpomnÆmata].

DroÊgou. St°lla, Berg€na. Tå PÆlina ÉAgge›a t∞w Megãlhw ToÊmpaw [ÉArxaiologikØ ÑEtaire€a, ÉAy∞nai, 2005].

Reviewed by Susan I. Rotroff in AJA 111 (2007) 809-810.

ELEUYEROTUPIA, Tetãrth, 08-02-2006, T°xnew [Online]: <<S€goura o tãfow toË Fil€ppou>> / YESSALONIKH / Tou SAKH APOSTOLAKH.

EYNOSONLINE, E-LIFE >> EPISTHMES, 30/4/2008, <<Oi tãfoi e€nai basiliko€>>..., AggelikÆ K≈tth [>E.N. Borza, www.nationalgeographic.com, arguing for Philip III in Tomb II]. See 2008 AIA Annual Meeting, Chicago,

below.

H OLGA PALAGGIA éntapantç/replies. EYNOSONLINE, E-LIFE >> TEXNES - POLITISMOS, 7/5/2008: “Mia apãnthsh sthn <<Ep€yesh ston tãfo tou Fil€ppou>>” [§pistolØ/letter ÖOlgaw Palaggiç].

Below, under 2008 AIA Annual Meeting, Chicago. Palaggia replies to ETHNOS’ dhmos€euma <<Ep€yesh>> ston tãfo tou Fil€ppou / To Nãsional Tzeogkrãfik amfisbhte› ton AndrÒniko me skopianÆ... ompr°la, AGGELIKH KVTTH [<<E>> 29/4].

Philip’s assassination/cremation/[burial]: AncW 27.1 (1996) 84 (text), 87 (translation) [81-87]=P. Oxy. XV 1798, fr. 1=FGrH 148 F 1 [below, Kapetanopoulos, Elias, <<Philip II’s Assassination and Funeral>>]. This accords with the cremated remains in Tomb II.

Alexander’s ˜pla/insignia, see N.G.L. Hammond, <<ARMS AND THE KING: THE INSIGNIA OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT>>, Phoenix 43 (1989) 217-224=Collected Studies III (Adolf M. Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1994) 183-190.

Quintus Curtius, 10.6.4: Tunc Perdicca, regia sella in conspectum volgi data, in qua diadema vestisque Alexandri cum armis erant, anulum sibi pridie traditum a rege in eadem sede posuit; idem, 10.10.13: deinde precati, ut ius fasque esset mortalibus attrectare deum [=eum], purgavere corpus, repletumque est odoribus aureum solium et capiti adiecta fortunae eius insignia (Aegyptii, Chaldaei); idem, 10.6.15: “Mea sententia haec est, ut sede Alexandri in regia posita, qui consiliis eius adhibebantur, coeant quotiens in commune consulto opus fuerit, eoque quod maior pars eorum decreverit stetur, duces praefectique copiarum his pareant” (Ptolemy speaking).

Diodoros, 18.26.4: §pãnv d¢ t∞w yÆkhw §pet°yeito [Dindorf, §pet€yeto] kaluptØr xrusoËw, èrmÒzvn ékrib«w ka‹ perilambãnvn tØn énvtãtv perif°reian. taÊthw dÉ §pãnv peri°keito foinik‹w diaprepØw xrusopo€kiltow, parÉ ∂n ¶yesan tå toË methllaxÒtow ˜pla, boulÒmenoi sunoikeioËn tØn ˜lhn fantas€an ta›w prokateirgasm°naiw prãjesi [Alexander’s èrmãmaja].

Diodoros, 18.60.3-61.1-2 (skhnÆ, yrÒnow) [Nepos, Eumenes, 7.1-3, Polyainos, 4.8.2]. Plutarch, Eumenes13, (3) ÖEfh går ÉAl°jandron aÈt“ [=EÈm°nei] katå toÁw Ïpnouw fan∞nai, ka‹ de›ja€ tina skhnØn kateskeuasm°nhn basilik«w ka‹ yrÒnon §n aÈtª ke€menon: e‰ta eﬁpe›n …w §ntaËya sunedreÊousin aÈto›w ka‹ xrhmat€zousin aÈtÚw par°stai ka‹ sunefãcetai boul∞w te pãshw ka‹ prãjevw érxom°nouw épÉ aÈtoË. taËta =ad€vw ¶peise tÚn ÉAntig°nh ka‹ tÚn TeÊtamon, oÎte §ke€nvn bad€zein boulom°nvn prÚw aÈtÒn, oÎte aÈtÚw éji«n §p‹ yÊraiw •t°rvn ırçsyai. (4) ka‹ tiy°ntew oÏtv skhnØn basilikØn ka‹ yrÒnon ÉAlejãndrƒ katapefhmism°non §ke› suneporeÊonto bouleuÒmenoi per‹ t«n meg€stvn.

Aelian, Varia Historia 12.64. Alexander’s body and Ptolemy’s ımo€vma/ruse against Perdikkas.

Suetonius, Gaius, 52: ... Triumphalem quidem ornatum etiam ante expeditionem assidue gestavit [=Gaius], interdum et Magni Alexandri thoracem repetitum e conditorio eius [cf. idem, Divus Augustus, 18.1]. Cassius Dio, 59.17.3: §peidÆ te ßtoima ∑n, tÒn te y≈raka tÚn ÉAlejãndrou, Àw ge ¶lege [=Gãiow], ka‹ §pÉ aÈt“ xlamÊda shrikØn èlourg∞, polÁ m¢n xrus€on polloÁw d¢ ka‹ l€youw ÉIndikoÁw ¶xousan, §pen°du, j€fow te parez≈sato ka‹ ésp€da ¶labe ka‹ dru˛ §stefan≈sato, (4) ...

ELEUYEROTUPIA, ParaskeuÆ, 1/6/2001, TEXNES [Online]: O tãfow tou Megal°jandrou [F. Mp.]

Presentation of the 2^nd improved edition of <<O IIow basilikÒw tãfow thw Berg€naw apokalÊptei ton M°ga Al°jandro>> (ekd. <<Yessalon€kh>>) by Triantãfullow D. Papaz≈hw, [dutiko] MakedÒnaw, pr≈hn strativtikÚw ka‹ melethtØw t∞w Berg€naw katå tØn 10et€an toË É90. Previously published in 1993 under the title <<Ston F€lippo BÉ Æ ston M°ga Al°jandro anÆkei o basilikÒw tãfow thw Berg€naw;>>.

Thesis, as reported by F. Mp.: Tomb II does not belong to Philip II, but to Arridaios Philippos [this writer: as some others maintain, but there are serious obstacles to this view]. Philip II was buried in Tomb III. Later Antigonos Gonatas modified Tomb II and Alexander and Roxane were reburied there, as was Alexander IV, Alexander’s and Roxane’s son, in Tomb III.

Gordiod°smata.

Repeated herein, under Makedonis VI: Alexandros: Bibliographia.

ELEUYEROTUPIA, KuriakÆ, 17-04-2005 [Online]: AMFISBHTHSH APÉ TA KOKALA BGALMENH / Oi sÊgxronoi <<Makedonomãxoi>> [Ke€meno